the Suffragettes are instructive. Their tactic of choice was property
destruction. Decades of patient pressure on Parliament to give women the
vote had yielded nothing, and so in 1903, under the slogan ‘Deeds not
words’, the Women’s Social and Political Union was founded. Five years
later, two WSPU members undertook the first militant action: breaking
windowpanes in the prime minister’s residence. One of them told the police
she would bring a bomb the next time. Fed up with their own fruitless
deputations to Parliament, the suffragettes soon specialised in ‘the argument
of the broken pane’, sending hundreds of well-dressed women down streets
to smash every window they passed. In the most concentrated volley, in
March 1912, Emmeline Pankhurst and her crews brought much of central
London to a standstill by shattering the fronts of jewellers, silversmiths,
Hamleys toy shop and dozens of other businesses. They also torched
letterboxes around the capital. Shocked Londoners saw pillars filled with
paper throwing up flames, the work of some activist having thrown in a
parcel soaked in kerosene and a lit match. The civil resistance model? More
like the methods envisioned in Lanchester’s paradox.
Militancy was at the core of suffragette identity: ‘To be militant in some
form, or other, is a moral obligation’, Pankhurst lectured. ‘It is a duty which
every woman will owe her own conscience and self-respect, to women who
are less fortunate than she is herself, and to all who are to come after her.’
The latest full-body portrait of the movement, Diane Atkinson’s Rise Up,
Women!, gives an encyclopaedic listing of militant actions: suffragettes
forcing the prime minister out of his car and dousing him with pepper,
hurling a stone at the fanlight above Winston Churchill’s door, setting upon
statues and paintings with hammers and axes, planting bombs on sites along
the routes of royal visits, fighting policemen with staves, charging against
hostile politicians with dogwhips, breaking the windows in prison cells.
Such deeds went hand in hand with mass mobilisation. The suffragettes put
up mammoth rallies, ran their own presses, went on hunger strikes:
deploying the gamut of non-violent and militant action.
After the hope of attaining the vote by constitutional means was dashed
once more in early 1913, the movement switched gears. In a systematic
campaign of arson, the suffragettes set fire to or blew up villas, tea
pavilions, boathouses, hotels, haystacks, churches, post offices, aqueducts,
theatres and a liberal range of other targets around the country. Over the
course of a year and a half, the WSPU claimed responsibility for 337 such
attacks. Few culprits were apprehended. Not a single life was lost; only
empty buildings were set ablaze. The suffragettes took great pains to avoid
injuring people. But they considered the situation urgent enough to justify
incendiarism – votes for women, Pankhurst explained, were of such
pressing importance that ‘we had to discredit the Government and
Parliament in the eyes of the world; we had to spoil English sports, hurt
businesses, destroy valuable property, demoralise the world of society,
shame the churches, upset the whole orderly conduct of life’. Some attacks
probably went unclaimed. One historian suspects that the suffragettes were
behind one of the most spectacular blazes of the period: a fire in a Tyneside
coal wharf, in which the facilities for loading coal were completely gutted.
They did, however, claim responsibility for the burning of motor cars and a
steam yacht
This is from How to blow up a pipeline by Andreas Malm,
I highly recommend you read this excerpt.
Long. (click to show)
the Suffragettes are instructive. Their tactic of choice was property destruction. Decades of patient pressure on Parliament to give women the vote had yielded nothing, and so in 1903, under the slogan ‘Deeds not words’, the Women’s Social and Political Union was founded. Five years later, two WSPU members undertook the first militant action: breaking windowpanes in the prime minister’s residence. One of them told the police she would bring a bomb the next time. Fed up with their own fruitless deputations to Parliament, the suffragettes soon specialised in ‘the argument of the broken pane’, sending hundreds of well-dressed women down streets to smash every window they passed. In the most concentrated volley, in March 1912, Emmeline Pankhurst and her crews brought much of central London to a standstill by shattering the fronts of jewellers, silversmiths, Hamleys toy shop and dozens of other businesses. They also torched letterboxes around the capital. Shocked Londoners saw pillars filled with paper throwing up flames, the work of some activist having thrown in a parcel soaked in kerosene and a lit match. The civil resistance model? More like the methods envisioned in Lanchester’s paradox. Militancy was at the core of suffragette identity: ‘To be militant in some form, or other, is a moral obligation’, Pankhurst lectured. ‘It is a duty which every woman will owe her own conscience and self-respect, to women who are less fortunate than she is herself, and to all who are to come after her.’ The latest full-body portrait of the movement, Diane Atkinson’s Rise Up, Women!, gives an encyclopaedic listing of militant actions: suffragettes forcing the prime minister out of his car and dousing him with pepper, hurling a stone at the fanlight above Winston Churchill’s door, setting upon statues and paintings with hammers and axes, planting bombs on sites along the routes of royal visits, fighting policemen with staves, charging against hostile politicians with dogwhips, breaking the windows in prison cells. Such deeds went hand in hand with mass mobilisation. The suffragettes put up mammoth rallies, ran their own presses, went on hunger strikes: deploying the gamut of non-violent and militant action. After the hope of attaining the vote by constitutional means was dashed once more in early 1913, the movement switched gears. In a systematic campaign of arson, the suffragettes set fire to or blew up villas, tea pavilions, boathouses, hotels, haystacks, churches, post offices, aqueducts, theatres and a liberal range of other targets around the country. Over the course of a year and a half, the WSPU claimed responsibility for 337 such attacks. Few culprits were apprehended. Not a single life was lost; only empty buildings were set ablaze. The suffragettes took great pains to avoid injuring people. But they considered the situation urgent enough to justify incendiarism – votes for women, Pankhurst explained, were of such pressing importance that ‘we had to discredit the Government and Parliament in the eyes of the world; we had to spoil English sports, hurt businesses, destroy valuable property, demoralise the world of society, shame the churches, upset the whole orderly conduct of life’. Some attacks probably went unclaimed. One historian suspects that the suffragettes were behind one of the most spectacular blazes of the period: a fire in a Tyneside coal wharf, in which the facilities for loading coal were completely gutted. They did, however, claim responsibility for the burning of motor cars and a steam yacht
This is from How to blow up a pipeline by Andreas Malm,